[From Manx Soc vol 3 - part 1 Letter of James 7th Earl]

CHAPTER XII.
1, 2.—Of Capt. Holmewood; 3—formerly recommended by certain lords (to whom he was a hanger-on) to the Earl's mother, who puts him in Governor of the Isle of Man. The Earl's father retires. 4.—At his mother's death, the Earl displaces Captain Holmewood, and gives him a pension; yet the lords who recommended him are displeased. 5.—The inconvenience of taking servants on othermens recommendations,

I AM willing to rub up my memory concerning my first choice of Captain Christian, and his behaviour in my service since. Wherein I may call to mind my own follies, to make you by them wiser. It is good learning by another's book. En vitio alterius sapiens emeudat suum. To do this, I must rake up some circumstances before my entertaining him.

2. There was one Captain Holmewood, a very honest gentleman, who used to haunt good company, and had great acquaintance with divers courtiers of the best sort; which was very commendable. But, in Church, or Court, or home, or in any place, if a man want discretion rightly to make use of the occasion, all will tend unto his loss. This gentleman found it true. For without any vice (which is no great sign of virtue) he wasted a good estate, and his remnant afterwards was courtship. For his friends there all solemnly protested how sorry they were for his misfortunes, and no less that they wanted abilities to do him service,. Thus much though there he profited to learn, that confidence and importunity are the only ways of thriving at Court; and, when men may not get preferment from a party there, at least to hang on until he be well shifted off; and then the usual way is to be transferred.

3. So did some lords of the Court (who shall be nameless) recommend him unto my mother, of blessed memory, to be Governor of this Isle of Man. And she gave credit unto their letters (a strange error of so wise a woman, so well acquainted with the Court!), and pleased to send him over, to the great contentment of very many. For he was needy and kind-hearted —two of the most pleasing qualities for a governor among this people.

4 But when it pleased God that my mother died (unto whom, by certain agreements between her and my father, and, as I take it, ordered by King James, that blessed peacemaker that her ladyship should have the full dispose thereof for certain years) I observed that this gentleman was fitter for employment abroad than this place, which at that time required a man of letters. And my father, willing to retire himself from troubles, was contented to make much of himself, reserving a £1,000 a year, and put the rest of his estate to venture in my hands (that which haply I shall not so very soon do with you, nor with such latitude of power). The first thing I did, to my remembrance, was the shifting off this gentleman, to whom I gave a good pension, for charity's sake, and, in some respect, to avoid others' clamours. But that pleased not those lords by whose means he was placed here; apprehending much his company again at Court; indeed they were not friends with me of a long time for it.

5. And hereby may you observe the inconvenience of taking servants on others' commending. I had matter enough to justify his remove, but that could not set me right above. Nevertheless, when I did according to good discretion in my own right, I considered their favour in time might be recovered. For, though a friend at Court be said to be better than a penny in the purse, yet, keep your own estate and a penny to spare, and you will create friends in Court or country at any time.

 

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[From Manx Soc vol 3 - part 1 Letter of James 7th Earl]

CHAPTER XIII.
 

1.—Of Capt. Christian, and how the Earl came formerly to make him Governor. 2.—his character. 3.—The Earl,for some time very fond of him, Who abuses his love. 4.—One good quality of his. 5, 6, 7.—his insatiable covetousness.

I WAS newly got acquainted with Captain Christian, whom I observed soon to have abilities enough to do me service; and a friend of mine making motion he might come into the place, I inquired more of him, and indeed in some haste, lest I were importuned again for Capt. Holmeswood. Because, having angered some of my noble friends already in his remove, I might endanger to lose them quite by a new denial to restore him.

2. I was told Captain Christian had already made himself a good fortune in the Indies; that he was a Manxman born; but, which took most with me, that when he offered his service it was on these terms—that (being he was resolved to retire himself into that his own country, whether he had the place or not he would be contented to hold the staff until I chose another, which most willingly he would [then] resign without repine; and called such a one to witness (who yet is living). For the pay, he so little valued that, as he would be content to do service without any, or as little of it as it pleased [me]; and what agreement there was between us I very well remember.

3. He is excellent good company; as rude as a sea captain should be, but refined as one that had civilised himself half a year at Court, where he served the Duke of Buckingham. In this I cannot much blame myself. But, thinking I had so excellent a jewel, I did esteem him at too high a rate; which he knew very well, and made use thereof for his own ends; therein abusing me, and presuming of my supporting him in his actions, which from time to time he gilded with so fair pretences, that I believed and trusted him too much. Also I gave too little heed unto many complaints against him. Here was my fault. But I have been whipt for it, and I will do so no more.

4. While he governed here, some few years, he pleased me very well; and had a quality of the best servant—that what I directed him to do, if it succeeded ill, he would take the same upon himself; and what happened well, would give me the glory of it.

5. This he did while I continued my favours to him. And I were as ungrateful as unwise if I should not both enrich and oblige him to me; as the only way to keep him good. But, such is the condition of man, that most will have some one fault or other to blur all their best virtues! And his was of that condition which is reckoned with drunkenness—viz., covetousness; both marked with age to increase and grow in men.

6. He was ever forward to make me many requests, which, while they were fit for me to grant, I did never deny him. But indeed a right good servant would rather be prevented by his lord's nobleness than demand anything of himself; and suffer himself to be honoured and enriched, as enforced, rather than pretending to it; and ascribe honours to his office, not to merit.

7. But I observed, that the more I gave, the more he asked; and such things as I could not grant without much prejudice unto myself and others. So as after a while I sometimes did refuse him. And it was sure to fall out according to the old observation, that when a prince hath given all, and the favourite can desire no more, they both grow weary of one another

 

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[From Manx Soc vol 3 - part 1 Letter of James 7th Earl]

CHAPTER XIV.
 

1.—Of some commissioners whom the Earl formerly sent over to the Isle of Man. 2.—Mr. Rutter, Lord Strange's tutor, commended; 3 and his pupil. 4.—Lord Strange's mother being a French woman, all advantage to him. 5.—Mr. Rutter's method of teaching commended.

IN the year 16—I sent over some commissioners ill chosen. But that was want of experience and good instruction in my youth. For I cannot brag of good breeding, as (God be thanked!) you may; and that is to you more worth than half of all I leave you.

2. You know my instructions to you. In the first place, to fear the Lord, as the beginning of true wisdom. And I know you are taught it of Mr. Rutter; for whom you and I may both thank God.

3. He is not only a good teacher to you, but a good companion both to you and me; having nothing at all of the pedant. There is good proof of his labours with you; for you have profited well in your studies, and, without flattery to either, above what I expected, by reason of your long sickness. For I cannot hope of so much scholarship from you as your brothers, who are; (God be thanked !) more healthful, and (God willing) shall be plied harder at their studies than you have been.

4. You have already the benefit of your mother's language, so as you need not travel, as I and some others have done, to pass our time for words, while we lost so much of our life to have studied men and manners.*

5. The method of your teaching you may remember. When God blesseth you with children, you may yourself give rules unto their teachers. Nevertheless, lest you forget any of it, I may haply desire Mr. Rutter to set it down in writing, that you may keep the same by you with this. And if others (when we are dead) pretend to greater knowledge and a new way of teaching, you may compare his great skill with our true loves; of which these and the like endeavours shall be our witnesses. In another place I may say more of my intents concerning your breeding, travel, and the like. In the meantime I will tell you something of my commissioners behaviour in this country, and how it fared while they ruled here; also something of the choice of servants.

* James E. of Derby married the Lady Charlotte, daughter to Claude Duke of Trernouille in France [by the Lady Charlotte his wife, daughter to the renouned Count William of Nassau, Prince of Orange, and Charlotte de Bourbon his wife by reason whereof the Dukes of Tremouille stand allied to the Kings of France as also to the houses of Bourbon-Mounpensier, Bourbon-Conde; dukes of Anjou king of Naples and Sicilie, archdukes of Austria, kings of Spain; earls and dukes of Savoy; dukes of Milan; and divers other sovereign princes]. By which lady he had issue three sons, Charles, Edward, and William; and three daughters— Mary, married to William E. of Strafford; Catherine, to Henry Marquess of Dorchester; and Emelia, to John E. of Athol.—Dugd., vol. ii. p. 254 a.

 

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[From Manx Soc vol 3 - part 1 Letter of James 7th Earl]

CHAPTER XV.
1.—The vanity and prodigality of the Earl's comimissioners. 2.— Observations on servants, 3—whether rich, 4—prodigal, 5— cunning, 6—fawning; the danger of these last. 7.—Stewards, 8—and secrets, how to be trusted. 9.—Comely servants recommended. 10.—Fanatic and Popish servants improper. 11.— Musicians troublesome; 12—and many boys, inconvenient. 13. —all under yeomen to be in livery. 14.—Provision for housekeeping to be made beforehand. 15.—The steward and clerk of the kitchen to be countenanced. 16.—Of rewards. King James the First's great gift to the Earl of Pembroke. 17.—The Earl's thoughts almost giving. 18.—The Duke of Buckingham's odd way; 19—a better. 20.—Not too many servants who are near relations, 21—or married. 22.—The Earl's complaint of bad servants, 23—and of his aforesaid commissioners. 24.—He compares his own way of writing to his son's riding.

THEY came in state, as I was told; which was much more for my honour than for my profit or credit; and to them of no little use, considering their merry times and bad reckonings. And, questionless, those who so willingly would be lavish to spend my moneys, would as readily sometimes husband a part of it for themselves. Nor am I mistaken in this, that (without offence unto the rest) Peter Winn did so; and I am happy to know it. For ill servants are like some diseases, which easily be cured when known, and as dangerous if undiscovered.

2. Some marks of a good servant I have told you, and these

3. First, When he minds himself more than you. That you may discern by his growing over wealthy, and gaining reputation with them he deals with in your behalf; taking unto himself the thanks of the favours which proceed from you. So may you observe men rather make addresses unto him than you. And he is usually well followed by your suitors, who commonly observe him much bare-headed; and he will take it sufficiently upon him, and herewith be so finely puffed up, that shortly he slights your service, and will think it a disparagement to wait as heretofore —at least, he thinks to honour you very much if he give you attendance. For now he is a gentleman of a good estate, professing how much he hath spent of his own purse to do you credit; and, if you respect him, he will honour you; otherwise, can live of his own, which he haply may believe his father left him, though he came to you a beggar.

4. Sometimes a servant will be prodigal and vain, neglecting his own affairs (and then most assuredly yours). This may plainly be known, if you see him needy, that he is a gamester, very vicious, and the like.

5. Another sort there is who desire to keep you in continual law suits and troubles; thereby himself never wants employment, and you cannot want him. For, by some cunning trick or other, when any more honest or sufficient than himself is offered unto you, he either acquaints that party beforehand that you will none of him, or tells you how unworthy he may be of you; and both sides a lie. But in this case a rule of Machiavell is remembered —Fortiter calamniare, aliquid adhaereibit.

6. A more dangerous than all is a flattering servant, who so insinuateth and endeareth himself to you by applauding and approving of all that likes you; as thereby you may think to have one after your own heart, but who shall afterwards gnaw you to the bones. Yet this rule take unto yourself, and there is less danger of deceiving: that, when any praiseth you, to be jealous you deserve it not; or, if you do, that you will think he does not always love you best who praiseth most. An Italian proverb saith, That after eating salt with one seven years, you may then guess how fitly you may trust him.

7. Those whom you trust with moneys bring them often to account.

8. Them to whom you do discover that which nearly may concern your life or honour, let it be to indeed I know not who.

9. It is very handsome to have comely men to serve you.

10. I would neither have any to be any piece of a Puritan or a Jesuit.

11. Next them, your musician is very troublesome.

12. Many boys to wait on your servants be skittish, pilfer, steal, and disgrace a house.

13. I would wish that all who are under the yeomen be in livery, whether they be your own fee'd men, or that they belong to the gentry in your house.

14. It is good to have provision aforehand for housekeeping. Much demesnes is commodious for that purpose. Do not, therefore, lease any that you have already; rather increase the same. If so you set any, let it be from year to year only.

15. Have a good steward of your house and clerk of the kitchen, who may make themselves awed by the servants, even as much as yourself. Wherefore, while they serve you, you must countenance them.

16. It hath been the custom of many princes to reward liberally their servants with such gifts as they thought little; because they have not known them. So did King James; until my uncle, the Earl of Salisbury, Lord Treasurer, once showed him £5,000 at once, which, at one clap, he had given to the Earl of Pembroke. He thought at that time there had not been such store of money in the kingdom; and sware he would give over giving. But he was better than his word.

17. I would the most I could keep my own myself; so shall I certainly better husband what I have. However, before I give I will consider what it is, to whom, why, and when.

18. The Duke of Buckingham was used to reward his worst servants first. And being asked the reason, he said, thereby he was sooner rid of them; and the others would easilier abide in hope.

19. How good a rule this is, I say not. But certainly, when you give to a good man, because he is good, it is like to keep him good, and it may make others good.

20. I am loth to have many of a house too near a kin: for by that means you will sometimes suffer one too much, for another's sake.

21. Nor would I have many married: for so you may happen to keep the children also.

22. Most of these misfortunes I have met with in servants, which have vexed me to the heart. I pray you, by my experience herein, learn you something.

23. I thought to have enlarged myself more in relating many passages in observation of my commissioners' proceedings here, wherein I had matter enough to have given you examples both of their pride and bribery. But I am loth to dwell too long on one subject, not knowing how little time I can dwell here myself, with any leisure, to continue this discourse.

24. I will skip over [then] to some other matter. So shall I not keep order in any even way, but, like as yourself do in your sports abroad, oft wantonly forsake a plain ground to gallop over a rough fallow, and now and then leap hedges; so as, following your own humour herein, I hope you will think my sayings to you to be less tedious.

 

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[From Manx Soc vol 3 - part 1 Letter of James 7th Earl]

CHAPTER XVI.
 1.—Of a certain tenure in the Isle of Man called the tenure of the straw, whereby the Lord is defrauded. 2.—A petition presented against Deemster Christian for defrauding an infant of its estate. 3.—The Deemster's great interest in the Island, and his many bastards. 

THERE comes this very instant an occasion to me to acquaint you with a special matter, which if; by reason of these troublesome and dangerous times, I cannot bring to pass my intents therein, you may, in your better leisure, consider thereof, and make some use hereafter of my present labours, in the matter of a certain holding in this country, called " The tenure of the straw :" whereby men think their dwellings are their own ancient inheritances, and [that they] may pass the same to any, and dispose thereof without license of the Lord, but paying him a bare small rent, like unto a fee-farm in England: wherein they are much deceived. Which you may plainly see by such collections as I have already caused to be framed, at this time in custody of the comptroller. Sufficient, I persuade myself, to satisfy any reasonable body. But it is not always reason can prevail with a multitude. Therefore is it fit in this, as in all things, to have of the dove and the serpent according to the occasion.

2. One presented me a petition against Deemster Christian on the behalf of an infant, who is conceived to have a light unto his farm late Rainsway, one of the principal holdings of this country; who, by reason of his eminence here, and that [he] holdeth much of the same tenure of the straw in other places, he is s observed, that certainly, as I temper the matter with him is this, so shall I prevail with others. But, he being so much concerned, I have a hard task in hand. But I shall try. And here in the surest way is to begin in the fairest manner: for roughest dealing is best when smoother have first failed.

3. I am not ignorant what courses the said Deemster hath taken to strengthen himself and others, to maintain their title herein against me. And once one, in a pleasant humour, said he thought the Deemster did not get so many bastards for lust's sake, as in policy, to make the name of the Christians flourish But, if he and I agree not, you will hear more of these matters: otherwise you shall know nothing thereof at all. But learn this, that there be times to discover what one knows, as at other whiles it is fit not to seem to know them. And while good content is given, let such kindness be showed as may assure the party that offences are quite forgotten or forgiven, or that he may think that they never have been harboured in you.

 

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[From Manx Soc vol 3 - part 1 Letter of James 7th Earl]

CHAPTER XVII.
 

1.—The great love of brothers and sisters to their Bastard brothers and sisters in the Isle of Man. 2.—The Christins (the most numerous and powers family in the Island) alter their name to Christian. 3.—Their power, seats, matches, estates. 4.—The -prayer in the above mentioned infant's Petition against Deemster Christian. 5.—The petitioner could scarce get a man to write it, for fear of the Deemster and his family. 6.—The Earl's commissioners formerly ordered the Deemster to pay the infant a sum of money for the estate he withholds from him; but he would not. 7.—The Earl resolves the Deemster shall both pay the infant and take a lease of him, which will open his way to recover his right of others; 8—in which case he will take small fines, and, advises his son to do so too. 9.—If the Deemster won't agree to this, he can deal with him another way.

 

BEFORE I go farther, let some use be made of that true jest concerning the Deemster.

2. It is very true, there be many bastards here in this Isle; and he is to be wondered at who wonders at it. But sure it would be very well if that law were here as in other places, that all known bastards be called after their mothers' names. And there is more reason for it here, in respect they are subject to make factions. And men of the same name will side with one another against anybody. Nor do they love or esteem less because their friends, brothers, or sisters be base born.

3. There be many of the Christians in this country—that is, Christins, [for that is] the true name; but they have made themselves chief here. Wherefore, if a better name could be found, they would likely pretend unto it. I pray God they be Christians indeed, and honest men; for then it matters not how many be of a name. And I advise you, if a name fancy you not because some so called have offended you, yet let it not be a rule to hate the persons of those you know not, because some of their kin have heretofore displeased you, after the manner of the feud in Scotland.

4. But it is not so much that so many be called Christians as that by policy they are crept into the principal places of power; and they be seated round about the country, and in the heart of it; they are matched with the best families; have the best livings [that is, farms]; and must not be neglected.

5. The prayer in the petition formerly mentioned was to this effect—"That there might be a fair trial; and, when the right was recovered, that I would grant them a lease thereof," &c This being in the "tenure of the straw," and a motion to me which the Deemster may think very pleasing, it will doubtless startle him.

6. You may herein observe the interest that the Deemster hath in this country, being the petitioner could get but one man in the whole Island who durst write this petition fair.

7. Upon same conference with the petitioner, I find a motion heretofore was made by my commissioners, that the Deemster should give this fellow a sum of money. But he would par with none. Nevertheless, now, it may be, he will; and, I hope be so wise as to assure unto himself his holding, by compounding with me for a lease of the same. To the which, if they two agree, I shall grant it him on easy terms. For, if he break the ice, I may imply catch some fish.

8. And I will also, for this first time, take reasonable fine from all the rest. And, indeed, I would counsel you to be alway good unto the people, and to all tenants under you; considering yourself is but tenant for life unto the Lord of Life, who hall committed this land and people to your stewardship. Wherefore so govern the same as you may give God a good account.

9. I do bethink myself, in case the Deemster and I should not agree, how to manage this business. But, because it may haply never happen, I will not speak more of it yet; but, by this let you see my custom on all occasions to prepare myself ad utrosq. casus; which is a good rule.

 

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[From Manx Soc vol 3 - part 1 Letter of James 7th Earl]

CHAPTER XVIII.
 

1.—Of Captain Christians the old Governor, yet in prison; what he suffers there, but just; 2—and the Earl would farther punish him, but the judges say they want precedents; hardly any punishment in the Isle of Man but may be got of, except the crime sheep-stealing. 3.—The Earl will provide better laws hereafter; if he does not, he advises his son to do it. 4. Captain Christian pretends he suffers for the people; so that a jury would acquit him. But the Earl thinks he may be fined, and deeply.

I WILL return unto Captain Christian, whose business must be heard the next week. He is still in prison; and I believe many wonder thereat, as savouring of injustice, and that his trial should be so long deferred. But, in my own knowledge he deserves what he hath, and a great deal more. Also his business is of that condition, that it concerns not himself alone. And if sometimes we endure, ourselves or friends, for a general good, much more may we let a knave feel a little of that misery he would have brought on many an honest man.

2. I believe such course will be taken, that he shall groan under the burden of it. But, whether it will reach his life, I know not; for his judges do pretend they want precedent And, indeed, in this country any offence will be excused, if never so high a nature, provided he steal not sheep; and that because the judges be sheep-masters.

3. But, God willing, I will have laws declared for treason and-the like. If I do not, be it your task.

4. If a jury of the people do pass upon him (being he hath so cajoled them to believe he suffers for their sakes), it is likely they would quit him. And then might he laugh at us; whom I had rather he had betrayed. So as I think, according to custom for some offences of that nature, he will be fined; though haply deeper than usual. Nevertheless, I may so handle it, that little shall stick by me, though himself be no whit favoured. I remember one said, it was safer much to take men's lives than their estates. For their children will sooner much forget the death of their father than the loss of their patrimony.

 

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[From Manx Soc vol 3 - part 1 Letter of James 7th Earl]

Appendix.
Containing: I. — The siege of Latham House. 2. — The Earl's return to England. 3. — His going back to the Isle of Man. 4. — His letter to Commissary General Ireton. 5. — His return into England for the last time. 6. — .A copy of his speech upon the scaffold, and of some remarkable passages in his going to it, and being upon it on Wednesday, 15th October, 1651.

1. — THE SIEGE OF LATHAM HOUSE.
DURING the Earl of Derby's absence in the Isle of Man, his Countess, the Lady Charlotte, being left in this house, the enemy looked upon it as their own, little expecting from a woman, being a stranger, and that a place so unprovided (as they supposed), that any considerable resistance could be made; so that a commission was presently obtained for the reducing it; which being made known to her, she furnished herself with men, arms, and ammunition, with all the diligence and secrecy imaginable; and finding the men generally raw and unexperienced, she caused them to be listed and trained under these captains — viz., Capt. Farington, Charnock, Chisenhale, Rawsthorne, Ogle, and Molineux Radcliffe, who were to receive orders from Captain Farmer (as major of the garrison), and he from herself. Matters being so privately managed, that the enemy was advanced within two miles of the house ere they dreamed of any other opposition than from her own servants.

But, upon Feb. 28, 1644, there came to this lady a trumpet from Sir Thomas Fairfax, and with him a person of quality, to desire a conference with her. Whereupon Sir Thomas, and some gentlemen with him, being admitted, the soldiers of that her garrison were disposed in such a manner as might best advance the appearance and opinion both of their numbers and discipline. Their commission being to require the delivery of the house, they offered her an honourable and safe remove, with her children, servants, and goods (arms and cannon excepted) to her own house at Knowsley; also a protection to reside there free from any molestation; and the one moiety of her lord's estate in England, for the support of herself and children. Whereunto she answered, that she was under a double trust — of faith to her husband, and allegiance to her sovereign; and that, without their leave, she could not give it up ; desiring, therefore, a month's time for her answer. Which being denied, her ladyship told them that she hoped they would excuse her, if she preserved her honour and obedience, though in her own ruin.

Hereupon Sir Thos. Fairfax departed; and upon the question, whether they should proceed by storm or siege, he gave his opinion for the latter. Which advice was promoted by an artifice of one of the Earl of Derby's chaplains [probably Mr. Rutter] whose integrity and prudence was of no little service to that heroic lady in all her extremities. About fourteen days after the former conference, there coming another summons for a present surrender, the trumpet was sent away with a short answer, vin., that the Countess had not as yet forgot what she did owe to the Church of England, to her prince, and to her lord; and that till she had either lost her honour or her life, she would defend that place. Whereupon Fairfax gave order for a formal siege; but, being commanded away upon other service, left the managing of it to Col. Peter Egerton and Major Morgan.

As to the situation of Latham House, it stands upon a flat, boggy, and spumous ground, encompassed with a wall of two yards thick, without which is a moat of eight yards wide and two yards deep; upon the bank of which moat, betwixt the wall and the grass, was a strong palisado throughout. Upon the walls were also nine towers flanking them, and on each tower six pieces of ordnance, which played three one way and three another. Besides these, there was in the middle of the house a high tower, called the Eagle Tower. The gate-house also, being strong and lofty building, stood at the entrance of the first court. Upon the top of all which towers stood the choicest marksmen (keepers, fowlers, and the like), who shrewdly galled the enemy, and cut off divers of their officers in the trenches.

Fairfax departing, the enemy fell forthwith to work on a line of circumvallation. Whereupon the Countess, to disturb their approaches, ordered a sally of two hundred men, who were commanded by Major Farmer; who, on March 12, 1644, beat them from their trenches to their main guard, slew about three score, and took some prisoners, with the loss only of two men. Whereupon they doubled their guards, and drew their line at a greater distance. But they were so plied with sallies, that it was fourteen weeks' time before they could finish their line. After which they ran. a deep trench near the moat, where they raised a strong battery, and planted on it a mortar-piece, which cast stones and granades of sixteen inches diameter; of which granades the first fell close to the table where the Countess, her children, and her officers were all at dinner; which shivered the room, but hurt nobody. The apprehension whereof made them to resolve on another sally, to take that mortar-piece. Upon which sally Molineux Radcliffe had the forlorn, Chisenhale the body, and Farmer the reserve; who, after an hour's dispute, possessed themselves of all their works, nailed and overturned all their cannon, or rolled them into the moat, carrying the mortar-piece into the house. And, continuing masters of their works and trenches all that day, endeavoured to fill them up and destroy them as much as might be. At which time the Countess went not only out of the gates, but sometimes very near the trenches; whose piety was such that she constantly practised to begin all those actions with public prayers, and to close them with thanksgivings.

This successful sally happened on the 26th April, being the very day appointed by the enemy for a fierce assault, with order to put every one to the sword.

After which it took the enemy at least five or six days' time to repair their works ; but in that space they were thrice dislodged and scattered by other vigorous sallies.

Which disasters gave Col. Rigby (a malicious enemy to the Earl of Derby) a colour of laying the fault on Col. Peter Egerton; whereby he got a commission for himself to command in chief. After which he would not permit so much as a midwife to pass into the house unto a gentlewoman then in travail; and in a fortnight's space carried on his work without much trouble, for want of powder in the house. But that defect being supplied by another sally, the Countess proposed a fresh assault upon all their trenches; which being accordingly agreed on, Rawsthorne had command of the forlorn, Farmer of the battle, and Chisenhale of the reserve; who, behaving themselves with their wonted bravery, beat the enemy from their works, cleared the trenches, nailed their great guns, and killed a hundred of their men, with the loss only of three, and five or six wounded.

Hereupon, after a month's siege, and the loss of about two thousand men (by their own confession), Rigby sent the Countess a huffing summons; to which she returned this answer — " Tell that insolent rebel Rigby, that if he presume to send another summons within this place, I will have the messenger hanged up at the gates."

2. — THE EARL'S RETURN TO ENGLAND.
UPON intelligence given to the Earl of these his noble lady's distresses, he hasted out of the Isle of Man, to beg relief of his Majesty. Whereupon orders were given that Prince Rupert should take Lancashire in his way to York, unto which place he was then designed. But no sooner did Rigby hear that his Highness had entered Lancashire at Stopford-bridge, but that he raised his siege on the 27th of May, 1644, and marched to Bolton, a strong garrison of the enemy; where, with the addition of other forces to two thousand of his own, he made up a body of two thousand five hundred foot, and five hundred horse.

Upon notice whereof to the Prince, he marched directly thither, and gave order for an assault; which, though gallantly attempted, succeeded not at the first; he therein losing two hundred men, the enemy killing all they took upon the walls, in cold blood, in his sight. Whereupon a second assault being resolved, the Earl of Derby desired to have the command of two companies of his old foot, and the honour of the, forlorn ; which at his importunity being granted, and all things ready, the town was entered in the space of half an hour, on every side; he himself being the first man who set foot into it, upon the 28th May. Whereupon Rigby made his escape, leaving two thousand of his men behind; amongst which there was one Bootle, a captain (formerly a porter in Latham, and who, upon his leaving that house, voluntarily swore that he would never bare arms against the King), who, being in the heat of the storm, encompassed with soldiers, begged quarter of this Earl, who answered, "I will not kill thee myself, but I cannot save thee from others." Nor did he [kill him] ; nevertheless, his death was afterwards most falsely laid to his charge.

Upon the taking of this rebellious town, Prince Rupert sent all the colours to the Countess at Latham ; and so marched to Liverpool, for reducing that. Thence to Latham, where he stayed four or five days; but, before his departure, gave direction for repairing and fortifying the house; and, at the request of the Countess, disposed the governorship thereof to Captain Edward Rawsthorne, whom he made colonel of a foot regiment, and two troops of horse, for its defence. By which captain it was stoutly defended for full two years more, in a second siege; but at last, by his Majesty's order, delivered up; having cost the enemy no less than six thousand men, and the garrison about four hundred; it being one of the last places in this realm which held out for the King. Such the fate of Latham House.

3. — HIS GOING BACK TO THE ISLE OF MAN.
AFTER Prince Rupert left Lancashire, as before related, the Earl of Derby, leaving his House at Latham to the care of Col. Rawsthorne, returned to the Isle of Man (his presence being still very necessary there to keep that island in order), and took his lady and children with him. But his children, it seems, were soon after perfidiously seized and made close prisoners ; and he himself tempted with the promise of a peaceable enjoyment of his whole estate, in case he would deliver up that Island; but he stoutly refused to do so. [As may appear by]

4. — HIS LETTER TO COMMISSARY GENERAL IRETON.
" I RECEIVED your letter with indignation, and with scorn I return you this answer, that I cannot but wonder whence you should gather any hopes from me that I should, like you, prove treacherous to my sovereign; since you cannot be insensible of my former actings in his late Majesty's service; from which principles of loyalty I am no whit departed.

" I scorn your proffers. I disdain your favour. I abhor your treason; and am so, far from delivering up this Island to your advantage, that I will keep it, to the utmost of my power, to your destruction. Take this your final answer; and forbear any farther solicitations. For, if you trouble me with any more messages on this occasion, I will burn the paper and hang the bearer. This is the immutable resolution, and shall be the undoubted practice, of him who accounts it his chiefest glory to be

His Majesty's most loyal and obedient subject,

"Castletown, 12 July, 1649." DERBY.

5. — HIS RETURN INTO ENGLAND FOR THE LAST TIME.
THE Earl of Derby continuing in the Isle of Man until 1651, upon King Charles IT. advancing out of Scotland towards Worcester, received a command to attend him, upon assurance that the Presbyterians would cordially join with the Royalists in order to his restoration. At which time, when he discerned that their ministers did obstinately refuse any conjunction, he said, "If I perish, I perish; but, if my master perish, the blood of another prince, and all the ensuing miseries of this nation, will lie at your doors."

His next misfortune was at that time, the engagement he had with a party which endeavoured to hinder the King in that his march, with whom he met in Wigan-lane; where, with six hundred horse, he maintained a fight for two hours, against three thousand horse and foot (commanded by Colonel Lilburne) in a place of much disadvantage. In which encounter he received seven shot on his breast-plate, thirteen cuts on his beaver over a steel cap, and five or six wounds upon his arms and shoulders; having two horses killed under him. Nevertheless, through all these difficulties he made his way to the King at Worcester.

Whence, upon the loss of the day there, 3rd Sept., 1653, he fled with him into Staffordshire; where, having seen him hopefully secured in such a place, and with such trusty persons, by whose means he most happily escaped the cruel hands of those blood-thirsty rebels who then sought his life; shifting for himself, he had the hard hap to be taken in Cheshire, by one Major Edge; but upon condition of quarter. Nevertheless, against the law of arms, he was afterwards most barbarously sentenced to death, by a certain number of faithless men, who, calling themselves a court-martial, sat at Chester, viz. —

Colonel Humphrey Mackworth. Major — Mitton.

Colonel {

Robert Duckenfeild.

Henry Bradshaw.

Thomas Croxton.

George Twisleton.

Lieut.-Col.  

Henry Birkinhead.

Simon Finch.

Alexander Newton.

Captain

James Stepford.

Samuel Smith.

John Downes.

John Delves.

John Griffith.

Thomas Portington.

Edward Alcock.

Ralph Pownall.

Richard Grantham.

Edward Stelfax.

Vincent Corbet.

Where, having voted him guilty of the breach of the Act of 12 Aug., 1651, intitled "An Act for Prohibiting Correspondency with Charles Stuart, or his Party;" and sentenced him to be put to death at Bolton, in Lancashire, upon the 15th of October. He there suffered most Christianly. So far Sir William Dugdale, &c.

6. — A COPY OF HIS SPEECH UPON THE SCAFFOLD, AND OF SOME REMARKABLE PASSAGES IN HIS GOING TO IT AND BEING UPON IT, ON WEDNESDAY, 15TH OCTOBER, 1651.
(From the Manuscript Collection of John Nalson, LL.D. Vol. XVI., No. 95. Copied by Dr. Grey.)

THE Earl of Derby came to Bolton, guarded with two troops of horse and one company of foot; the people praying and weeping as he went, even from the castle (his prison in Chester) to the scaffold; where his soul was freed from its prison, his body.

His lordship being to go to a house in Bolton near the Cross, where the scaffold was raised, and, passing by, said, " This must be my cross ;" and so, going into a chamber with some of his friends and servants, had time courteously allowed him by the commander-in-chief till three of the clock that day. The scaffold indeed being scarce ready, by reason the people in the town refused to strike a nail into it, or to give them any assistance; many of them saying that " Since these wars they have had many and great losses, but never any like this; this was the greatest that ever befell them — that the Earl of Derby should lose his life there, and in that manner !"

His lordship (as I told you) having till three of the clock allowed him, spent all that time in praying with those who were with him; in telling them " how he had lived, and how he was prepared for death; how he feared it not; and how the Lord had strengthened him, and comforted him against the terrors of it." And, after such or the like words, he desired them to pray with him again; and after that, giving some good instructions to his son, the Lord Strange, he desired to be in private; where we (his friends and servants) left him with his God. There he continued upon his knees a long time in prayer. Then he called for us again, telling us "how willing he was to part with this world; and that the fear of death was never any great trouble to him ever since his imprisonment, though he had still two or three soldiers with naked swords, night and day, in his chamber to guard him. Only the care he had of his wife and children, and the fear he had what might become of them, was often in his thoughts. But now he was satisfied that God would become a husband and a father unto them; into whose hands he committed them." And so, taking leave of his son and blessing him, he called for an officer, and told him " he was ready."

At his going towards the scaffold the people prayed and cried, and cried and prayed. His lordship, with a courteous humble ness, said — " Good people, I thank you all. I beseech you, pray for me to the last. The Lord of Heaven bless you! The Son of God bless you! and God the Holy Ghost fill you with comfort !" And so, coming near the scaffold, he laid his hand on the ladder, saying, "I am not afraid to go up here, though I am to die here;" and so he kissed it, and went up. And then, walking a while upon the scaffold, he settled himself at the east end of it, and addressed the people thus: —

"I come, and am content to die in this town, whither I endeavoured to come the last time I was in Lancashire, as to a place where I persuaded myself to be welcome; in regard the people thereof have reason to be satisfied of my love and affection to them. I am no man of blood, as some have falsely slandered me; especially in killing a captain of this town, whose death is declared upon oath, under the hand of a master of the Chancery. The several attestings of a gentleman of honour in this kingdom (who was in the fight in this town) and of others of good repute in this town and country [speak the contrary]. And I am confident there are some in this place who can witness my mercy and care for the sparing of many men's lives that day.

"As for my crime (as some are pleased to call it), to come into this country with the King, I hope it deserves a better name; for I did it in obedience to his call whom I hold myself obliged to obey, according to the protestation I took in the Parliament in his father's time. I confess I love monarchy, and I love my master Charles II. of that name, whom I myself proclaimed in this country to be king. The Lord bless him and preserve him! And I do believe, and assure you, he is (for his age) the most godly, virtuous, and valiant, and the most discreet prince that I know this day lives! And I wish so much happiness to his people, after my death, that he may enjoy his rights; and then they cannot want their rights.

" I profess here, in the presence of God, I always fought for peace; and I had no other reasons. For I neither wanted means nor honours; nor did I look to enlarge either.

" By my King's predecessors mine were raised to a high condition, as it is well known to this country. And it is as well known that, by his enemies, I am condemned to suffer by new and unknown laws. The Lord send us our King again! The Lord send us our laws again! And the Lord send us our religion again ! As for that which is practised now, it hath no name; and methinks there is more talk of religion, than of any good effects thereof. Truly, to me it seems I die for the King and the laws; and this makes me not to be ashamed of my life, or afraid of my death." —

At which words" the King and the laws" — a trooper said — "We have no king, and we will have no lords." Then some sudden fear or mating fell among the soldiers, and his lordship was interrupted; which some of the officers were much troubled at, and his friends grieved, his lordship having liberty of speech promised. Then his lordship, seeing the troopers scattered in the street, cutting and slashing the people with their swords, said — "What's the matter, gentlemen? Where is the guilt? I fly not. And here is none to pursue you." Then his lordship perceiving he might not speak freely, turned himself to his servant, and gave him his paper, and commanded him to " let the world know what he had to say had he not been disturbed." Which is as followeth, as it was in his lordship's paper under his own hand: —

"My sentence, upon which I am brought hither, was at a council of war — nothing in the captain's case [being] alleged against me. Which council I had reason to expect would have justified my plea of quarter; that being an ancient and an honourable plea amongst soldiers, and not violated (that I know of) till this time, that I am made the first suffering precedent in this case. I wish that no other suffer in the like case. Now I must die. And I am ready, I thank my God, with a good and a quiet conscience; without any malice to any, upon any ground whatsoever; though others would not find mercy for me upon just and fair ground. But I forgive them. And I pray God forgive them. So my Saviour prayed for his enemies; and so do I for mine.

"As for my faith and my religion, thus much I have at this time to say. I profess my faith to be in Jesus Christ, who died for me; from whom I look for my salvation, — that is, through His only merits and sufferings. And I die a dutiful son of the Church of England, as it was established in my late master's reign, and is yet professed in the Isle of Man; which is no little comfort to me. I thank my God for the quiet of my conscience at this time, and the assurance of those joys which are prepared for those who fear Him. Good people, pray for me, as I do for you. The God of Heaven bless you all, and send you peace ! The God who is Truth itself bless you with truth and peace! Amen."

Presently after the uproar was past, his lordship, walking upon the scaffold, called for the headsman, and asked "to see the age," saying, " Friend, give it into my hand; I will neither hurt it nor thee; and it cannot hurt me. I am not afraid of it" Then he kissed it, and gave it to the headsman again. Then he asked for the block (which was not then ready) ; and turning up his eyes said, " How long, good Lord! How long!"

Then, putting his hand into his pocket, his lordship gave the executioner two pieces of gold, saying, "That is all I have; take it, and do thy work well;" and, "when I am upon the block, and lift up my hands, then do your work. But I doubt your coat is too burly" (it was of a great black shag) " and will hinder or trouble you."

Some standing by bid the executioner " ask his lordship forgiveness." But he was either too sullen or too slow; so that his lordship forgave him ere he asked it.

His lordship then passing to the other side of the scaffold, where his coffin lay, and seeing one of his chaplains on horse-back amongst the troopers, said, " Sir, remember me to your brother and friends. You see I am ready, and the block is not ready. And when I am gone into my chamber, as I shall not be long out of it" (pointing to his coffin), " I shall be at rest, and not troubled with such a guard and noise as I have here."

Then turning himself again, he saw the block, and asked if all was ready. And so, going to the place where he began his speech, said — " Good people, I thank you for your prayers and for your tears. I have seen the one, and heard the other. And our God hears and sees both. Now the God of Heaven bless you all! Amen."

Then bowing himself, he turned towards the block; and then, looking towards the church, his lordship caused the block to be turned and laid that way, saying, " I will look towards the sanctuary while I am here, and I hope to live in Thy sanctuary which is above for ever!" Then, having put his doublet off, he said, "How must I lie? Will any one show me? I never yet saw a man's head cut off. But I will try how it fits." And so, laying himself down and stretching himself upon it, he rose again, and caused it to be removed a little.

Then standing up, and looking at the headsman, he said, " Remember what I told you: when I lift up my hands, then do your work." Afterwards, looking at his friends about him, and bowing himself, he said, "The Lord be with you all! Pray for me!" And so, kneeling upon his knees, he made a short private prayer, ending with the Lord's Prayer. Then turning himself again, he said, " The Lord bless my wife and children ! and the Lord bless us all!" And so, laying his neck upon the block, and stretching out his arms, he said these words aloud — " Blessed be God's glorious name for ever and ever! Amen. And let all the whole earth be filled with His glory! Amen."

Then, lifting up his hands, he was ready to give up the ghost [or, in other words, expected the blow], but the headsman, not observing [the sign], was too slow. So his lordship rose again, saying, " What have I done, that I die not? And why do you not do your work? Well, I will lay me down again in peace. And I hope I shall enjoy everlasting peace."

So, laying himself down again, and his neck upon the block, and stretching out his arms, he said again the same words — " Blessed be God's glorious name for ever and ever! Amen.

Let all the whole earth be filled with His glory! Amen." And then, lifting up his hands, the executioner did his work: and God, no doubt, hath done His too, and saved his soul. And no noise was then heard, but sighs, and sobs, and tears.*

The earl was buried with his ancestors at Ormeskirk, to the no little sorrow of all loyal people unto whom he was known. After which his lady continued in the Isle of Man, until it was betrayed by one who had been her own servant [probably Capt. Chr.], who, having corrupted the inhabitants, seized upon her and her children, and kept them prisoners, without any other relief than what she obtained from the charity of her impoverished friends, until the happy restoration of K. Charles II.

Dugdale.

 

 

 

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